PETALING JAYA: Apart from giving rise to a new crop of office bearers, leadership tussles in political parties in Malaysia often lead to the formation of new parties as well.
The latest example is Gerakan Harapan Baru (GHB) or New Hope Movement. As its name suggests, its members – all losers in the recently concluded PAS election – claim to offer new hope to Malaysians.
Heading GHB is Mohamad Sabu – better known by his moniker Mat Sabu – who lost to Datuk Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man for the post of deputy president in PAS. Among those with him are Datuk Dr Mujahid Yusof Rawa, Khalid Samad and Salahuddin Ayub. The trio, like Mat Sabu, are progressives but also losers in the tussle for leadership in the party. Salahuddin was vice-president while Mujahid and Khalid were members of the central committee.
Just before Hari Raya Aidilfitri, they announced the formation of GHB. And just after Raya, they launched a nationwide tour with a rally in Kangar, Perlis.
It is undeniable that the progressives among the Malays are excited about the new party. But for all intents and purposes, GHB is just another splinter group. There are many in Malaysia’s history, some of which have emerged as forces to be reckoned with, but most have had little or no impact.
GHB has the option to register as a new party but it may be some time before the Registrar of Societies (RoS) gives its approval. A second and speedier option is for its leaders to join an existing party and take over its leadership. One party that is open to accepting them is Kesejahteraan Insan Tanah Air (Kita).
PAS seems to have been the most successful of the many parties formed by splinter groups.
The party did fairly well in the 2013 general election. It garnered 21 seats in Parliament but several of its MPs have now opted to join GHB. PAS has more than a million card-carrying members.
PAS lost Kelantan in the 1978 elections but regained the state in 1990. It still rules the state today.
Even before the PAS muktamar in June that saw a resurgence of theulama faction, friction within the party was already obvious. Party president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang’s failure to reject outright overtures from Umno to form a unity government alienated him from the progressives within the party.
For the clerics, who fear that Muslims may lose political clout if their Pakatan Rakyat allies DAP and PKR take over in Putrajaya, cooperation with Umno was an attractive option.
But for the progressives, the sense of betrayal by Umno when it was sacked from Barisan in 1977 remains fresh in the mind. Furthermore, PAS will likely end up playing second fiddle to Umno if it returns to Barisan.
Outside Barisan, PAS is still a formidable force. It commands extensive support in the conservative Muslim heartland of the east coast states. That would be the greatest challenge for the GHB.
At least 18 PAS senior leaders have voiced their intention to be a part of GHB or expressed their support for the movement.
Its main objective now is to become a viable replacement for PAS in Pakatan. Unlike PAS, it is prepared to open its doors to non-Muslims based on the principles of “inclusiveness, progressiveness and concern for the people”.
But, political analyst Wan Saiful Wan Jan warns, it will be a mistake for GHB to position itself as a replacement for PAS. “They must be careful not to sell themselves as a direct competitor to PAS,” he says.
“By selling themselves as a party with similar ideals with PAS means that they will be pitting themselves not just against their bigger political rivals but against PAS as well,” says the chief executive officer of the Institute of Democracy and Economic Affairs.
He points out that it will not be easy for GHB to garner grassroots support, but it would be a better strategy if they are seen as different from PAS or other parties in Malaysia.
“GHB must be able to attract not just members of PAS but also progressives and supporters of Umno, PKR, Gerakan and Sarawak’s Parti Pesaka Bumiputra Bersatu (PBB) to make an impact. This is the only way that they will be able to add value to Malaysian politics,” Wan Saiful adds.
As far as political scientist Dr Sivamurugan Pandian is concerned, the numbers tell the story. Of the 11 parties that have been formed by breakaway factions, only two have come to dominate their areas of interest. The first is Gerakan, which ruled Penang for almost four decades until its defeat to the DAP.
The other party is PAS, which has garnered widespread support from the largely Muslim Malay heartland.
He says the members of GHB could have joined PKR or the DAP if they wish to continue championing their progressive stance. “Forming a new party, a splintered one at that, may just crowd the field a little too much,” he adds.
On the other hand, academician Dr Wong Chin Huat believes that the GHB is here to stay, and there is a chance that it will eventually pose a major challenge to the might of PAS and Umno.
It is his view that eventually, GHB will come to dominate the Malay-majority areas in the west coast of the peninsula while PAS will continue to cling on to the east coast states.
Wong also does not rule out PAS’ demise. “PAS may be gone by the 15th general election if it continues to preach the policies of divide and rule while making Islam off-limits to non-believers,” he says.
“The world has come to embrace inclusiveness and diversity, something that PAS and its hard-line clerics may not comprehend. On the other hand, the GHB is prepared to accept Christians and other minority groups into its fold even though it will remain an Islamist organisation,” he adds.
PKR strategy director Sim Tze Tzin concurs with Wong, saying that Malaysia needs a progressive Islamist movement and the emergence of GHB is timely.
Another factor that will work for GHB is a shift in sentiments away from ethno-religious politics and obsession with one political overlord, says Wan Saiful. “Malaysians are looking for a party that fights for universal values, a party that will champion the rights of all of us,” he adds.
He says the real challenge in taking Malaysia to the next stage is to turn Islamic rhetoric into universal messages that are acceptable to all.
This may be the sentiment in the urban areas, but will that ring a bell in the rural constituencies where Malays make up the vast majority?
GHB’s success will ultimately hinge on that. -Theantdaily.
